POST-COLONIAL TENDENCIES IN THE PERSONAL NAMING SYSTEM OF ETHNIC POLES OF UKRAINE IN THE LATE XX – EARLY XXI CENTURIES

The disintegration of the USRR caused significant transformations in the post-totalitarian Ukrainian society, in particular, self-consciousness and constructing the new identity of the Ukrainian people. Concerning the representatives of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine, their ethnic identity has taken the hybrid form combined the ethnic specificity, and the structural conventions of the post-totalitarian Ukrainian society. Under a totalitarian regime, belonging to the Polish ethnic community was a negative factor, which could cause harassment and persecution. As a result, the representatives of the Polish national community in the Soviet Union avoided demonstrating their genuine identity. The ethnic identity and consciousness of the representatives of the Polish ethnic community of Ukraine in that period (XX cent.) was manifested extremely rarely and was not completely created. The changing of the social order in the post-totalitarian epoch of Ukrainian history induced the renaissance of the Polish ethnic community of Ukraine in 1990^th. The social conditions of the ethnic identity creation have essentially changed, influenced by the post-colonial transformations in contemporary Ukrainian society. That is why the research on the ethnic identity and personal naming system of the representatives of the Polish national community of Ukraine is currently in great interest. 

The aim of the project is to consider the main specificities of the creation of ethnic identity and personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in 1991-2019 through the prism of post-colonialism. As a social and ethnic identifier of a person, the name is extremely connected with the social context and reflects the significant social transformations. On one side, the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in 1991-2019 represents the most essential features of the post-totalitarian Ukrainian personal naming system, and on the other side, it reflects the specificities of the ethnic identity creation of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in this period. In the context of the theory of post-colonialism, the exploring of the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in 1991-2019 involves the consideration of such aspects as the correlation between personal names and ethnic identity of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine, the reflection of social transformations in the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine, the proportions of the Ukrainian and Polish traditional and foreign names in the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine, etc. The research object is the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in 1991-2019 in the context of the theory of post-colonialism.  The research subject is the specificity of the creation of ethnic identity and personal naming system of the ethnic Poles in Ukraine in the post-totalitarian epoch. The research materials are the church registers of the parishioners of the Catholic Parish in Ukraine in the late 20^th – early 21^stcenturies. The research methodology includes statistical and sociolinguistic methods.

As Matskiv mentioned, “The specificity of the national consciousness of the Ukrainian people is an echo of the Soviet past. Any society creating a new national identity should consider the factors of the past to avoid the crisis of identity”(Matskiv, p. 69). In contemporary Ukrainian society, the role of the Soviet patterns is replaced by international patterns. In the personal naming system, it is reflected in the changing of the anthroponymic mode depending on the social context. The influence of the social circumstances on the personal naming system is a subject of the socio-onomastics. In Polish onomastics, the influence of the social context on the personal naming system creation was a subject of scientific research by Rudnicka-Fira (2018), Rzetelska-Feleszko (2006), Lech-Kirstein (2015). Analyzing the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles in contemporary Lithuania, Wałkowiak (2018) mentioned that the number of traditional Polish and Slavic names in the personal naming system of contemporary Poles is extremely low. In contrast, the number of international names has increased (Wałkowiak, 2018, p. 154). According to the Ukrainian researcher Beley (2019), the post-totalitarian personal naming system of newborns in Ukraine generally consists of international names (Beley, 2019, p. 224). Considering the above-mentioned studies, the research of the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in the post-totalitarian period is a significant contribution to the Ukrainian and European socio-onomastics.

According to the 2001 All-Ukrainian population census, there were approximately 144,000 ethnic Poles living in Ukraine. Their primary concentration was in the western regions of the country, with the Khmelnytskyi region being particularly prominent. One of the oldest Roman Catholic churches in this area is the Church of St. Hanna, whose archival records provide valuable data about parishioners, including names of newborns and their parents, dates of birth, religious affiliation, ethnic background, and language of communication. These details are essential for conducting a sociolinguistic analysis of naming practices. For the purposes of this analysis, the personal names of ethnic Poles in Ukraine were categorized into two main groups: those of children born between 1991 and 2019, and those of their parents. The naming system of parents reflects the sociocultural norms of the second half of the 20th century, shaped by the Soviet totalitarian regime, while the names of children born between 1991 and 2019 demonstrate post-colonial and globalizing tendencies. The most frequent male and female names giving to children and their parents are presented in tables 1-4. 

Table 1. The most frequent male names of newborns in 1991-2019

Source: developed by the author based on the research materials

Table 2. The most frequent male names of parents in 1991-2019

Source: developed by the author based on the research materials

Table 3. The most frequent female names of newborns in 1991-2019

Source: developed by the author based on the research materials

Table 4. The most frequent female names of parents in 1991-2019

Source: developed by the author based on the research materials

Parental names are marked by high concentration and stability, with a limited set of widely used names. This homogeneity was driven by Soviet-era norms that favored conformity, where name choices were largely influenced by those popular across the USSR. Among the most common male names were Oleksandr, Viktor, Ihor, Volodymyr, Andrii, and Serhii; for females, Olena, Nataliia, Svitlana, Iryna, and Liudmyla predominated. These patterns reflect a broader behavioral tendency of the time—avoiding distinction and adhering to the principle of “being like everyone else.” This emphasis on uniformity led to a naming system where the ten most frequent names accounted for the majority of individuals, and culturally distinctive or rare names, particularly of Polish origin, were marginalized.

Following Ukraine’s Independence in 1991, the naming system underwent significant changes. The post-Soviet era brought a sharp rise in name diversity, particularly among newborns. By the early 2000s, names once uncommon or forgotten—such as Artem, Nazarii, Illia, Danylo, Kyrylo, and Matvii for boys, and Anastasiia, Diana, and Valeriia for girls—gained popularity. These shifts indicate a broader movement toward individualization, distinctiveness, and the reactivation of national identity.

In the Polish community of Khmelnytskyi (2001–2019), the naming system exhibited low concentration and a wide peripheral zone, suggesting a departure from previous uniformity. Globalization further contributed to the erosion of the ethnolinguistic function of names, making it common for names from one tradition to be adopted in another. At the same time, there was a resurgence of traditional Ukrainian (e.g., Matvii, Mark) and Polish (e.g., Jan, Stanisław, Felix) names, reflecting a growing interest in cultural heritage. While the Soviet-era naming model followed a logic of conformity, the contemporary model is defined by the desire to stand out—moving from “like everyone else” to “like no one else.” Among rare, exotic male names, given to newborns in the Polish community of Ukraine from 1991 to 2019 are: Augustyn, Avdii, Avraam, Bohodar, Danislav, Demian, Gabriel, Giovanni, Heorhii, Hryhorii, Iakiv, Iaromyr, Iefrem, Ieremii, Iosyf, Isai, Iulii, Iusubbuva, Ivar, Kristian, Milan, Nykyfor, Radomyr, Rynat, Savelii, Samuil, Stavras, Svitozar, Tadei, Ustym, and Felix. The most exotic female names in Polish community from 1991 to 2019 are names Adriana, Aneta, Apollinariia, Augustyna, Bohuslava, Evanhelina, Emma, Iaryna, Iustyna, Katarina, Neonila, Sabina, Snizhana, Stefaniia, Varvara, Violetaand others. This shift highlights the growing role of names as tools of personal identity and differentiation. Between 2011 and 2019, rare and unique names outnumbered the ten most common ones, marking a peak in individualizing trends in naming. 

Since the main function of the name is identification, the personal name is closely related to identity. In multiethnic environment, the name acquires the function of an individual and an ethnic identifier, indicating the person's nationality. Being outside the authentic linguistic and cultural space, representatives of ethnic communities often consciously choose the names of their national traditions, thus trying to preserve their national identity, the expression of which becomes a personal name. The totalitarian era did not recognize otherness, forcing representatives of the Polish community in Ukraine to hide their national identity. As an attempt to avoid persecution on a national basis in the USSR, the practice of changing the surname and Polish traditional name was widespread among ethnic communities, in particular: Sivets Agnieszka – Sivitskaya Evgeniia; Leon – Leonid; Meczysław – Vyacheslav; Adolf - Anatolii, etc. After the declaration of Independence of Ukraine there was a revival of national communities. The ethnic Poles of Ukraine started to return to their national, cultural, and naming traditions, learn Polish language, and to establish connections with the historical homeland. In naming system, the cases of giving the Polish traditional names became more frequent since 1991. The following section presents an analysis of quantitative indicators reflecting the representativeness of the Polish traditional personal names among the Polish community of Khmelnytskyi during the period 1991–2019 (Table 5).

Table 5. The representation of the Polish traditional names in the families of the ethnic Poles in Khmelnytskyi 1991-2019

Source: developed by the author based on the research materials

During 1991-2019, 1159 families were analyzed, of which the Polish traditional names are presented in 189 families, which is 16.3% of all families. Polish traditional names appear in 4.6% of fathers, 3.7% of mothers, 2.5% of sons, and 4.8% of daughters. Families in which only the father's name belongs to the Polish tradition account for 3.6%; both father and mother – 0.1%; only the mother – 3.3%; father and son – 0.2%; father and daughter – 0.7%; mother and son – 0.1%; mother and daughter – 0.3%; only the son – 1.8%; only the daughter – 3.9%. A decrease in the use of Polish traditional names is observed in the names of fathers—from 7.2% in 1991–2000 to 0.9% in 2011–2019—and daughters—from 5.2% in 1991–2000 to 4.4% in 2011–2019. A negative trend is also evident in families where only the father bears a Polish traditional name: from 5.6% in 1991–2000 to 0.7% in 2011–2019, and in families where both the father and daughter have Polish traditional names: from 1.1% to 0.2% over the same periods. Conversely, Polish traditional names given to sons show a positive trend: from 1.4% in 1991–2000 to 3.7% in 2011–2019. The proportion of mothers with Polish traditional names demonstrates a wave-like dynamic: from 3.9% in 1991–2000, decreasing to 2.3% in 2001–2010, and rising again to 3.3% in 2011–2019. In families where both the mother and daughter have Polish traditional names, the rates fluctuate slightly: 0.3% in 1991–2000, 0.5% in 2001–2010, and 0.2% in 2011–2019. The percentage of daughters with Polish traditional names remains consistently high: 3.8% in both 1991–2000 and 2001–2010, and 4.0% in 2011–2019. The lowest rates are observed in families where the mother and son have Polish traditional names: 0.1% in 1991–2000, no cases in 2001–2010, and 0.2% in 2011–2019, with an overall rate of 0.1% across 1991–2019. Similarly low figures are seen for families with both the father and mother (0.2% in 1991–2000; no cases recorded thereafter) and those with the father and son (0.4% in 1991–2000; no further cases). Analysis of our empirical data indicates a general trend toward a decline in Polish traditional names among parents, and a simultaneous increase among newborns. On one hand, the ethnic Poles of Ukraine try to highlight their ethnic identity, preferring the Polish traditional names for newborns. On the other hand, the tendency for choice the rare, exotic and unusual names, which is highly presented in Ukraine since 2000, encourages Poles of Ukraine to look for unusual names among the names of the Polish tradition. In the period of 1991-2019, the 11 Polish traditional male names were given to newborns. The most frequent were Jan (0,9%), Stanisław (0,7%), Eduard (0,4%). Less frequent are the names Ludwig, Marek, Robert, Augustyn, Kristian, Tadeusz, Felix, Julius. Between 1991 and 2019, ten double names containing Polish traditional components were recorded, in particular: Artur-Jan(1995), Alfred-Olek (1995), Marat Stanisław (2011), Orest-Wojciech (2015), etc. 

In the system of female names, the Polish traditional names are represented more extensively. In total, among newborns from 1991 to 2019, we recorded 31 Polish traditional names, which makes up 27.2% of all given names. The most frequent names are: Jana / Janina (2,9%); Krystyna (1,7%); Ilona (1,5%). The low frequent are: Albina (0,5%); Emilia (0,5%); Malwina (0,3%); Regina (0,3%); Bożena (0,3%); Helena (0,2%); Anita (0,2%); Kamilia (0,2%); Ewelina (0,2%); Barbara (0,2%); Augustyna, Adriana, Aneta, Bogusława, Bochyna, Danuta, Dominika, Eliza, Florencja, Irena, Letycja, Marlen, Marcelina, Rosina, Stanisława, Teresa. In the system of double names, we record 7 anthroponyms with Polish traditional components, in particular: Weronika-Agnesa (1997); Lina-Eleonora (1995); Teresa Maria(1995); Jana-Iryna (1994); Ewelina-Justyna (2002); Maria-Felicja (2015); Maria-Łucja (2017). Thus, the increasing of the Polish traditional names among newborns in Polish ethnic community is highly connected with the increasing of national consciousness of the ethnic Poles since 1991, and a tendency to choose rare, unusual names, common for Ukraine since 2000, which encourages ethnic Poles to give names of their ethnic tradition, unusual for the Ukrainian cultural space. 

The personal naming system in the USRR was highly standardized and did not allow for more than one given name. As a result, double names almost completely disappeared from parents' naming choices. In our material, we encounter only one double name among the parents' given names – Wita-Michalina. However, in the naming system of newborns since 1991, the number of double names has significantly increased. The choice of double names became popular in Ukraine since 1991, and it was the first postcolonial tendency of naming system. The tradition of giving double names is highly popular in Poland that is why it is also a significant feature of the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Ukraine in contemporary period. In total, during the period from 1991 to 2019, 39 double male names were given among the Polish community in the city of Khmelnytskyi, accounting for 28.3% of all names given to newborns.

The main motive for giving a double (two-component) name is religious. Between 1991 and 2019, 76.9% of double names were chosen based on the saints' calendars, of which 51.3% followed the Catholic calendar— in particular: Vladyslav-Tadeusz, Arsenii-Tadeusz, Liubomyr-Ignacij and 25.6% followed the Orthodox calendar, including: Vadym-Pavlo, Taras-Petro, David-Pavlo, Vitalii-Ivan, Rostyslav-Mykola, etc. The use of two separate names in the anthroponymy of Poles in the city of Khmelnytskyi is directly related to national and religious traditions. A combination of Polish and foreign naming traditions can be observed in the names: Mark Hassan  (1995), Marat Stanisław (2009), TymurAugustyn (2009), Domenik-Dmytro (2012). The name Mark Hassan (1995) was given in Polish-Arabic family, according to the national tradition of mother (Mark) and father (Hassan) and represents the hybrid ethnic identity of a person. The names Marat Stanisław (2009), Tymur Augustyn (2009) were given in Polish families. Turkish names Marat and Tymur were popular in Ukraine in 2000-2019, while the Polish names Stanisław and Augustyn were given to represent the Polish and Catholic identities of their carriers. The name Domenik-Dmytro combines the Catholic traditional name Domenik and Orthodox Dmytro. The name Domenik is probably used only in religious sphere, while the name Dmytrois used in everyday life. In this way, parents aim to find a compromise between the child's adaptation to living in the Ukrainian linguistic and cultural space and their national identity.

In the system of female names among Poles of Ukraine from 1991 to 2019, double names are more commonly represented than in the male system. In total, during the period from 1991 to 2019, 43 female double names were given to newborns in the Polish community of Khmelnytskyi, which accounts for 28.1% of all names given during this period. The component Maria is most frequently chosen for constructing double names, appearing in 32.6% of cases, with 25.6% of those choices being influenced by religious tradition. Common components include Anna / Hanna: Alina-Anna (1996); Ruslana-Hanna (1995), Iuliia: Iuliia-Anna (2000); Ielyzaveta: Anna-Ielyzaveta (1997), Viktoriia: Olena-Viktoriia (1996), Tetiana: Alina-Tetiana (1992), Olena: Olena-Iryna (1996); Anastasiia-Olena (1996); Yana: Yana-Iryna (1994); Ioanna: Tetyana-Ioanna (1995); Varvara: Karina Varvara (2002); Anastasiia-Varvara (2004), etc. Foreign names in double names are few in number, including: Nicole-Maria (2019) and Marie Angélie (2008), which reflect the national tradition of the father in mixed marriage. Overall, the system of female double names recorded in the Polish community of Khmelnytskyi from 1991 to 2019 is more diverse than the male name system. The main motive for choosing a double name in both the male and female systems is religious tradition. The number of male names based on religious traditions exceeds the number of female names, meaning the repertoire of male names selected from religious calendars is more diverse. The share of Polish traditional names in double names is higher in the male system than in the female one, which is caused by the traditional nature of the male naming system. The trend of giving double names has gradually lost popularity over the analyzed period. This may be related to the trend of shortening anthroponymic formulas, influenced by globalization processes and the greater convenience of using a single-component name compared to a double one in official documents.

Postcolonial nations often exhibit a sense of inferiority, which manifests in the avoidance of their native language and culture, and the adoption of the language and cultural practices of the former colonial power. This substitution is typically driven by the perception that the metropolitan language and culture possess greater prestige. In the sphere of anthroponymy, this phenomenon is reflected in the preference for personal names that are not rooted in the Ukrainian naming tradition.

The processes of globalization further contribute to the spread of international names within the naming systems of national communities. The internalized inferiority complex characteristic of postcolonial societies has played a significant role in the growing popularity of international names, which are perceived as more prestigious than traditional Ukrainian ones.

Moreover, as noted by Romanian scholars Felecan and Bughesiu, members of national minorities are more likely to choose international names than representatives of the titular nation (Felecan & Bughesiu, 2021, p. 108). Among the international names found in the anthroponymic system of Poles in the city of Khmelnytskyi between 1991 and 2019 are the following: Elizabeth (1994, 2002); Eliza (2000) – instead of Ukrainian Yelyzaveta; Katarina (1995) – instead of Ukrainian Kateryna; Kristian (2004); Daniella(2004, 2013); Adrian (2005, 2007; 2013) – instead of Ukrainian Andrii; Sabrina (2005, 2010; 2016; 2017); Gloria (2006, 2013; 2017); Lolita (2007); Sabina (2007); Adriana (2007); Barbara (2008, 2009); Deborah (2009); Michael (2010) instead of Ukrainian Mykhailo; Daniel (2013; 2015) – instead of Ukrainian Danyiil; Gabriel (2013); Vanessa (2013); Paula (2014; 2016); Michelle (2014). Among male names, the most popular is Adrian, among female – Sabrina and Gloria. Most of international names recorded in the personal naming system of the ethnic Poles of Khmelnytskyi have Latin origin and are quite popular not only in Ukraine, but around the world.

While in the naming system of newborns the international names are trend, the ideological names are popular in the naming system of parents. Anthroponymy has historically been subject to considerable ideological influence. In postcolonial and post-totalitarian contexts, the naming practices of individuals have often reflected dominant political narratives, cultural hierarchies, and identity politics. The imposition or promotion of certain names over others has served as a tool for symbolic integration, assimilation, or cultural suppression. Within such frameworks, international or ideologically "neutral" names may be perceived as more acceptable or advantageous, further contributing to the marginalization of indigenous or national naming traditions. In XX century, the ideological names were a significant phenomenon in anthroponymy. In the naming system of the ethnic Poles, we can observe such an ideological names as Ninel (1992, 1993, 1998); Idea (1992); Lenina (1993); and Maia (1999). In the names of newborns, there are only two names of this type: Vilina (2005), and Marlen (2017). An intriguing observation within the Polish community of Khmelnytskyi is that ideologically marked names are assigned exclusively to girls, while such names are systematically avoided for boys. This tendency, in our view, may be attributed to the more conservative nature of male anthroponymy, which remains closely tied to traditional naming practices, whereas female anthroponymy tends to be more open to borrowing and innovation.

In the 20th century, ideologically charged names were perceived as a form of innovation. However, the assignment of such names to girls born in 2005 and 2017 appears to be driven by different motivations—namely, the desire to choose an uncommon or exotic name. In doing so, parents may have drawn upon the repertoire of ideologically motivated names from the Soviet era. It is also plausible that their decision was guided primarily by aesthetic considerations, without deeper reflection on the ideological or etymological background of the name. In our view, contemporary international names fulfill a similar sociocultural function within the system of personal naming as ideologically driven names did in the 20th century.

The totalitarian era fostered the formation of collective thinking, the central feature of which was the imperative to "be like everyone else." Members of national communities in Ukraine, including Poles, were compelled to conceal their identities. As a result, they avoided giving traditional Polish names, expressing Catholic religious affiliation, or speaking the Polish language — all of which contributed to the assimilation of the Polish community. In anthroponymy, this trend is reflected in a high degree of name concentration, where the ten most popular names were given to the majority of newborns. The naming system of the late 20th century is characterized by traditionalism, with a noticeable avoidance of unusual, rare, or exotic names. It also includes ideologically motivated names, which nearly disappeared from Ukrainian name usage following the declaration of Ukraine’s Independence.

 Since 1991, the anthroponymy of the Polish community in Ukraine has undergone significant transformations. This period marked the revival of national communities, including the ethnic Poles, along with a renewed engagement with Catholicism, the Polish language, and cultural traditions. After 1991, Polish families in Ukraine increasingly began to choose traditional Polish names for their newborn children. The highest frequency of names rooted in the Polish naming tradition is observed in families where both the father and son, or the father and daughter, bear such names—an indication of a conscious intergenerational transmission of identity. By selecting names grounded in Polish tradition, parents aim to affirm and emphasize their Polish identity and sense of belonging to the broader Polish community.

A common trend in the anthroponymy of the Polish community in Khmelnytskyi between 1991 and 2019 is the use of double (compound) given names. This practice reflects the influence of Catholicism, as the assignment of double names is a long-standing tradition in Catholic contexts, particularly in Poland. During the Soviet period, Ukrainian legislation did not permit more than one given name, which led to the near disappearance of double names from the naming patterns of previous generations.However, following 1991, approximately one-third of newborns within the Polish community received double names. This trend reached its peak between 1991 and 2000. From 2001 to 2019, the frequency of double names began to decline, a development that correlates with the global tendency toward the simplification of anthroponymic structures and the shortening of given names.

Since 2001, a growing trend in Ukraine has been the assignment of unusual, rare, and exotic given names. This phenomenon may be interpreted through the lens of postcolonial theory: colonial nations often experience a sense of cultural inferiority, manifesting in the preference for imperial or global cultures perceived as more prestigious than their own. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, English—representing global culture—gradually replaced Russian as the symbol of prestige. In anthroponymy, this is reflected in the increasing selection of exotic or unconventional names that do not align with Ukrainian naming traditions, as well as the substitution of Ukrainian name forms with foreign equivalents. These names are primarily international, widely recognized across different parts of the world. According to our observations, international names are more frequently chosen for girls than for boys. Under the influence of globalization, the national name system has seen a growing influx of international names—a trend that is likely to intensify in the future. At the same time, there has been a noticeable return within the Polish community in Ukraine to a range of authentic Ukrainian and Polish names, many of which were uncommon or absent in the previous era. This includes a revival of both ancient pagan and Christian names, as well as traditional Polish given names. Such developments are closely tied to the cultural revival of the Polish community and the construction of a new postcolonial identity among Poles in Ukraine in recent years.

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